Questões - UECE | Gabarito e resoluções

(Uece 2014) Ao processo de aumento do nível do mar, motivado por diminuição das áreas cobertas por geleiras, em face das fases de aquecimento global, dá-se a denominação de

(UECE 2014) Assinale com V ou F, conforme seja verdadeiro ou falso o que dito sobre o mangue. ( ) No mangue, quando a mar est baixa, a gua salgada prevalece no rio, mas quando a mar sobe, a gua se torna salobra. ( ) O solo lodoso dificulta a fixao das plantas do mangue e, por esse motivo, elas desenvolvem estruturas denominadas razes escoras ou areas, que se aprofundam na lama at conseguirem se firmar para suportar a entrada das mars altas e as enxurradas dos rios. ( ) Poucos peixes e crustceos marinhos desovam no mangue, pois um ambiente bastante adverso, pobre em oxignio, com elevado nmero de predadores. ( ) A vegetao de mangue chamada de halfila, pois suas plantas so adaptadas constante variao de sal na gua e no solo. A sequncia correta, de cima para baixo, :

(Uece 2014) Atente para o que é dito sobre a religiosidade nas sociedades do antigooriente próximo. Em seguida, assinale com V as afirmações verdadeiras e com F as afirmaçõesfalsas. ( ) Entre os persas, desenvolveu-se uma religião dualista, criada por Zoroastro, em queAura-Mazda, deus do bem, e Ahriman, deus do mal, lutavam pelo domínio das açõeshumanas. ( ) Os egípcios acreditavam que, após a morte, a alma seria julgada por Anúbis e iria para océu ou para o inferno, de acordo com suas ações na Terra. ( ) O faraó Amenófis IV promoveu uma revolução religiosa no Egito, estabelecendo o culto aum só deus, Aton, simbolizado pelo disco solar. ( ) A mumificação garantia a preservação do corpo após a morte, para o eventual retorno daalma após o julgamento no tribunal de Osíris. ( ) Os hebreus evoluíram de um monoteísmo ético para um panteísmo religioso. A sequência correta, de cima para baixo, é:

(UECE - 2014) O perodo historicamente conhecido como Perodo Regencial foi caracterizado

(UECE -2014) TEXT BRASLIA Brazils highest court has long viewed itself as a bastion of manners and formality. Justices call one another Your Excellency, dress in billowing robes and wrap each utterance in grandiloquence, as if little had changed from the era when marquises and dukes held sway from their vast plantations. In one televised feud, Mr. Barbosa questioned another justice about whether he would even be on the court had he not been appointed by his cousin, aformer president impeached in 1992. With another justice, Mr. Barbosa rebuked him over what the chief justice considered his condescending tone, telling him he was not his capanga, a term describing a hired thug. In one of his most scathing comments, Mr. Barbosa, the high courts first and only black justice, took on the entire legal system of Brazil where it is still remarkably rare for politicians to ever spend time in prison, even after being convicted of crimes contending that the mentality of judges was conservative, pro-status-quo and pro-impunity. I have a temperament that doesnt adapt well to politics, Mr. Barbosa, 58, said in a recent interview in his quarters here in the Supreme Federal Tribunal, a modernist landmark designed by the architect Oscar Niemeyer. Its because I speak my mind so much. His acknowledged lack of tact notwithstanding, he is the driving force behind a series of socially liberal and establishment-shaking rulings, turning Brazils highest court and him in particular into a newfound political power and the subject of popular fascination. The courts recent rulings include a unanimous decision upholding the University of Braslias admissions policies aimed at increasing the number of black and indigenous students, opening the way for one of the Western Hemispheres most sweeping affirmative action laws for higher education. In another move, Mr. Barbosa used his sway as chief justice and president of the panel overseeing Brazils judiciary to effectively legalize same-sex marriage across the country. And in an anticorruption crusade, he is overseeing the precedent-setting trial of senior political figures in the governing Workers Party for their roles in a vast vote-buying scheme. Ascending to Brazils high court, much less pushing the institution to assert its independence, long seemed out of reach for Mr. Barbosa, the eldest of eight children raised in Paracatu, an impoverished city in Minas Gerais State, where his father worked as a bricklayer. But his prominence not just on the court, but in the streets as well is so well established that masks with his face were sold for Carnival, amateur musicians have composed songs about his handling of the corruption trial and posted them on YouTube, and demonstrators during the huge street protests that shook the nation this year told pollsters that Mr. Barbosa was one of their top choices for president in next years elections. While the protests have subsided since their height in June, the political tumult they set off persists. The race for president, once considered a shoo-in for the incumbent, Dilma Rousseff, is now up in the air, with Mr. Barbosa who is now so much in the public eye that gossip columnists are following his romance with a woman in her 20s repeatedly saying he will not run. Im not a candidate for anything, he says. But the same public glare that has turned him into a celebrity has singed him as well. While he has won widespread admiration for his guidance of the high court, Mr. Barbosa, like almost every other prominent political figure in Brazil, has recently come under scrutiny. And for someone accustomed to criticizing the so-called supersalaries awarded to some members of Brazils legal system, the revelations have put Mr. Barbosa on the defensive. One report in the Brazilian news media described how he received about $180,000 in payments for untaken leaves of absence during his 19 years as a public prosecutor. (Such payments are common in some areas of Brazils large public bureaucracy.) Another noted that he bought an apartment in Miami through a limited liability company, suggesting an effort to pay less taxes on the property. In statements, Mr. Barbosa contends that he has done nothing wrong. In a country where a majority of people now define themselves as black or of mixed race but where blacks remain remarkably rare in the highest echelons of political institutions and corporations Mr. Barbosas trajectory and abrupt manner have elicited both widespread admiration and a fair amount of resistance. As a teenager, Mr. Barbosa moved to the capital, Braslia, finding work as a janitor in a courtroom. Against the odds, he got into the University of Braslia, the only black student in its law program at the time. Wanting to see the world, he later won admission into Brazils diplomatic service, which promptly sent him to Helsinki, the Finnish capital on the shore of the Baltic Sea. Sensing that he would not advance much in the diplomatic service, which he has called one of the most discriminatory institutions of Brazil, Mr. Barbosa opted for a career as a prosecutor. He alternated between legal investigations in Brazil and studies abroad, gaining fluency in English, French and German, and earning a doctorate in law at Pantheon-Assas University in Paris. Fascinated by the legal systems of other countries, Mr. Barbosa wrote a book on affirmative action in the United States. He still voices his admiration for figures like Thurgood Marshall, the first black Supreme Court justice in the United States, and William J. Brennan Jr., who for years embodied the courts liberal vision, clearly drawing inspiration from them as he pushed Brazils high court toward socially liberal rulings. Still, no decision has thrust Mr. Barbosa into Brazils public imagination as much as his handling of the trial of political operatives, legislators and bankers found guilty in a labyrinthine corruption scandal called the mensalo, or big monthly allowance, after the regular payments made to lawmakers in exchange for their votes. Last November, at Mr. Barbosas urging, the high court sentenced some of the most powerful figures in the governing Workers Party to years in prison for their crimes in the scheme, including bribery and unlawful conspiracy, jolting a political system in which impunity for politicians has been the norm. Now the mensalo trial is entering what could be its final phases, and Mr. Barbosa has at times been visibly exasperated that defendants who have already been found guilty and sentenced have managed to avoid hard jail time. He has clashed with other justices over their consideration of a rare legal procedure in which appeals over close votes at the high court are examined. Losing his patience with one prominent justice, Ricardo Lewandowski, who tried to absolve some defendants of certain crimes, Mr. Barbosa publicly accused him this month of chicanery by using legalese to prop up certain positions. An outcry ensued among some who could not stomach Mr. Barbosas talking to a fellow justice like that. Who does Justice Joaquim Barbosa think he is? asked Ricardo Noblat, a columnist for the newspaper O Globo, questioning whether Mr. Barbosa was qualified to preside over the court. What powers does he think he has just because hes sitting in the chair of the chief justice of the Supreme Federal Tribunal? Mr. Barbosa did not apologize. In the interview, he said some tension was necessary for the court to function properly. It was always like this, he said, contending that arguments are now just easier to see because the courts proceedings are televised. Linking the courts work to the recent wave of protests, he explained that he strongly disagreed with the violence of some demonstrators, but he also said he believed that the street movements were a sign of democracys exuberance. People dont want to passively stand by and observe these arrangements of the elite, which were always the Brazilian tradition, he said. In the sentences Mr. Barbosa took on the entire legal system, he is overseeing the precedent-setting trial, and Mr. Barbosa has at times been exasperated, the verbs are, respectively, in the

(Uece 2014) Notícia do portal G1 de 13 de setembro de 2013: Mistura tóxica mata funcionário de indústria e leva 59 a hospital em SP. De acordo com informações preliminares da Cetesb, houve uma reação química descontrolada, gerando gás sulfídrico, que teria causado a morte de um funcionário da empresa. Sobre a obtenção do gás sulfídrico, sua estrutura, suas propriedades e reações, assinale a única afirmação verdadeira.

(UECE - 2014) Uma pesquisa com todos os trabalhadores da FABRITEC, na qualforam formuladas duas perguntas, revelou os seguintes nmeros: 205 responderam primeira pergunta; 205 responderam segunda pergunta; 210 responderam somente a uma das perguntas; um tero dos trabalhadores no quis participar da entrevista. Com estes dados, pode-se concluir corretamente que o nmero de trabalhadores daFABRITEC

(Uece 2014) Em relação à periodicidade e à paridade da função f : R → R definida por f(x) = senx + cos x, pode-se afirmar corretamente que

(UECE - 2014) Normalmente uma reao qumica libera ou absorve calor. Esse processo representado no seguinte diagrama, considerando uma reao especfica. Com relao a esse processo, assinale a equao qumica correta.

(UECE -2014) TEXT BRASLIA Brazils highest court has long viewed itself as a bastion of manners and formality. Justices call one another Your Excellency, dress in billowing robes and wrap each utterance in grandiloquence, as if little had changed from the era when marquises and dukes held sway from their vast plantations. In one televised feud, Mr. Barbosa questioned another justice about whether he would even be on the court had he not been appointed by his cousin, aformer president impeached in 1992. With another justice, Mr. Barbosa rebuked him over what the chief justice considered his condescending tone, telling him he was not his capanga, a term describing a hired thug. In one of his most scathing comments, Mr. Barbosa, the high courts first and only black justice, took on the entire legal system of Brazil where it is still remarkably rare for politicians to ever spend time in prison, even after being convicted of crimes contending that the mentality of judges was conservative, pro-status-quo and pro-impunity. I have a temperament that doesnt adapt well to politics, Mr. Barbosa, 58, said in a recent interview in his quarters here in the Supreme Federal Tribunal, a modernist landmark designed by the architect Oscar Niemeyer. Its because I speak my mind so much. His acknowledged lack of tact notwithstanding, he is the driving force behind a series of socially liberal and establishment-shaking rulings, turning Brazils highest court and him in particular into a newfound political power and the subject of popular fascination. The courts recent rulings include a unanimous decision upholding the University of Braslias admissions policies aimed at increasing the number of black and indigenous students, opening the way for one of the Western Hemispheres most sweeping affirmative action laws for higher education. In another move, Mr. Barbosa used his sway as chief justice and president of the panel overseeing Brazils judiciary to effectively legalize same-sex marriage across the country. And in an anticorruption crusade, he is overseeing the precedent-setting trial of senior political figures in the governing Workers Party for their roles in a vast vote-buying scheme. Ascending to Brazils high court, much less pushing the institution to assert its independence, long seemed out of reach for Mr. Barbosa, the eldest of eight children raised in Paracatu, an impoverished city in Minas Gerais State, where his father worked as a bricklayer. But his prominence not just on the court, but in the streets as well is so well established that masks with his face were sold for Carnival, amateur musicians have composed songs about his handling of the corruption trial and posted them on YouTube, and demonstrators during the huge street protests that shook the nation this year told pollsters that Mr. Barbosa was one of their top choices for president in next years elections. While the protests have subsided since their height in June, the political tumult they set off persists. The race for president, once considered a shoo-in for the incumbent, Dilma Rousseff, is now up in the air, with Mr. Barbosa who is now so much in the public eye that gossip columnists are following his romance with a woman in her 20s repeatedly saying he will not run. Im not a candidate for anything, he says. But the same public glare that has turned him into a celebrity has singed him as well. While he has won widespread admiration for his guidance of the high court, Mr. Barbosa, like almost every other prominent political figure in Brazil, has recently come under scrutiny. And for someone accustomed to criticizing the so-called supersalaries awarded to some members of Brazils legal system, the revelations have put Mr. Barbosa on the defensive. One report in the Brazilian news media described how he received about $180,000 in payments for untaken leaves of absence during his 19 years as a public prosecutor. (Such payments are common in some areas of Brazils large public bureaucracy.) Another noted that he bought an apartment in Miami through a limited liability company, suggesting an effort to pay less taxes on the property. In statements, Mr. Barbosa contends that he has done nothing wrong. In a country where a majority of people now define themselves as black or of mixed race but where blacks remain remarkably rare in the highest echelons of political institutions and corporations Mr. Barbosas trajectory and abrupt manner have elicited both widespread admiration and a fair amount of resistance. As a teenager, Mr. Barbosa moved to the capital, Braslia, finding work as a janitor in a courtroom. Against the odds, he got into the University of Braslia, the only black student in its law program at the time. Wanting to see the world, he later won admission into Brazils diplomatic service, which promptly sent him to Helsinki, the Finnish capital on the shore of the Baltic Sea. Sensing that he would not advance much in the diplomatic service, which he has called one of the most discriminatory institutions of Brazil, Mr. Barbosa opted for a career as a prosecutor. He alternated between legal investigations in Brazil and studies abroad, gaining fluency in English, French and German, and earning a doctorate in law at Pantheon-Assas University in Paris. Fascinated by the legal systems of other countries, Mr. Barbosa wrote a book on affirmative action in the United States. He still voices his admiration for figures like Thurgood Marshall, the first black Supreme Court justice in the United States, and William J. Brennan Jr., who for years embodied the courts liberal vision, clearly drawing inspiration from them as he pushed Brazils high court toward socially liberal rulings. Still, no decision has thrust Mr. Barbosa into Brazils public imagination as much as his handling of the trial of political operatives, legislators and bankers found guilty in a labyrinthine corruption scandal called the mensalo, or big monthly allowance, after the regular payments made to lawmakers in exchange for their votes. Last November, at Mr. Barbosas urging, the high court sentenced some of the most powerful figures in the governing Workers Party to years in prison for their crimes in the scheme, including bribery and unlawful conspiracy, jolting a political system in which impunity for politicians has been the norm. Now the mensalo trial is entering what could be its final phases, and Mr. Barbosa has at times been visibly exasperated that defendants who have already been found guilty and sentenced have managed to avoid hard jail time. He has clashed with other justices over their consideration of a rare legal procedure in which appeals over close votes at the high court are examined. Losing his patience with one prominent justice, Ricardo Lewandowski, who tried to absolve some defendants of certain crimes, Mr. Barbosa publicly accused him this month of chicanery by using legalese to prop up certain positions. An outcry ensued among some who could not stomach Mr. Barbosas talking to a fellow justice like that. Who does Justice Joaquim Barbosa think he is? asked Ricardo Noblat, a columnist for the newspaper O Globo, questioning whether Mr. Barbosa was qualified to preside over the court. What powers does he think he has just because hes sitting in the chair of the chief justice of the Supreme Federal Tribunal? Mr. Barbosa did not apologize. In the interview, he said some tension was necessary for the court to function properly. It was always like this, he said, contending that arguments are now just easier to see because the courts proceedings are televised. Linking the courts work to the recent wave of protests, he explained that he strongly disagreed with the violence of some demonstrators, but he also said he believed that the street movements were a sign of democracys exuberance. People dont want to passively stand by and observe these arrangements of the elite, which were always the Brazilian tradition, he said. The sentence They are televising the courts proceedings in the passive becomes

(UECE - 2014) A peculiaridade da pecuria sertaneja no Brasil do sculo XVIII esteve ligada principalmente s relaes de trabalho nela estabelecidas. Acerca dessas relaes, correto afirmar-se que

(UECE - 2014) O texto a seguir foi extrado do livro de memrias do escritor e jornalista carioca, que nasceu em 1926, Carlos Heitor Cony. Um livro de memrias relato que algum faz, frequentemente, na forma de obra literria, a partir de acontecimentos histricos dos quais participou ou foi testeminha, ou que esto fundamentados em sua vida particular. No deve ser confundido com autobiografia. O suor e a lgrima Fazia calor no Rio, quarenta graus equalquer coisa, quase quarenta e um. No diaseguinte, os jornais diriam que fora o diamais quente deste vero que inaugura osculo e o milnio. Cheguei ao SantosDumont, o voo estava atrasado, decidiengraxar os sapatos. Pelo menos aqui no Rioso raros esses engraxates, s existem nosaeroportos e em poucos lugares avulsos. Sentei-me naquela espcie de cadeiracannica, de coro de abadia pobre, quetambm pode parecer o trono de um reidesolado de um reino desolante. O engraxate era gordo e estava comcalor o que me pareceu bvio. Elogioumeu sapato, cromo italiano, fabricantelustre, os Rossetti. Uso-o pouco, em partepara poup-lo, em parte porque quandoposso estou sempre de tnis. Ofereceu-me o jornal que eu j havialido e comeou seu ofcio. Meio careca, osuor encharcou-lhe a testa e a calva. Pegouaquele paninho que d brilho final nossapatos e com ele enxugou o prprio suor,que era abundante. Com o mesmo pano, executou commaestria aqueles movimentos rpidos emtorno da biqueira, mas a todo o instante ousava para enxugar-se caso contrrio, osuor inundaria o meu cromo italiano. E foi assim que a testa e a calva dovalente filho do povo ficaram manchadas degraxa e o meu sapato adquiriu um brilho deespelho, custa do suor alheio. Nunca tivesapatos to brilhantes, to dignamentesuados. Na hora de pagar, alegando no ter notamenor, deixei-lhe um troco generoso. Ele meolhou espantado, retribuiu a gorjeta medesejando em dobro tudo o que eu viesse aprecisar no resto dos meus dias. Sa daquela cadeira com um baitasentimento de culpa. Que diabo, meussapatos no estavam to sujos assim, pormseros tostes fizera um filho do povo suarpara ganhar seu po. Olhei meus sapatos etive vergonha daquele brilho humanosalgado como lgrimas. CONY, Carlos Heitor. In: Eu aos pedaos: memrias. So Paulo: Leya, 2010. p. 114-115. A descrio, feita pelo cronista, da cadeira em que se sentou para engraxar o sapato sugere que o mvel

(UECE - 2014)A zona pilfera da raiz apresenta clulas epidrmicas com projees citoplasmticas denominadas de pelos absorventes, cuja principal funo absorver gua e sais minerais indispensveis sobrevivncia das plantas. A absoro de gua pelas razes dos vegetais acontece normalmente quando

(UECE 2014) Um somatório de resultados de pesquisas revelou que plantas da caatinga produzem substâncias antioxidantes e fotoprotetoras. A caatinga apresenta um reduzido potencial hídrico no solo, precipitações escassas e irregulares. Sua flora nativa apresenta espécies vegetais com caracteres anatômicos, morfológicos e funcionais, especializados para a sobrevivência nas condições adversas de clima e solo, típicos desta fisionomia. Com base nessas informações e na Teoria Sintética da Evolução, é correto afirmar-se que

(UECE 2014) Em um aconselhamento gentico, a chance calculada pelo cientista de um casal portador de uma doena recessiva ter uma criana afetada de: