Questões de Inglês - ITA | Gabarito e resoluções

(ITA - 2023 - 1 FASE) Since the early l990s, an interesting phenomenon has emerged in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus some states that, despite having their own government and state apparatus, lack international recognition. Even today, the struggle of these unrecognised states remains widely unknown. While these states have been the focus of much academic study, their very existence is often neglected by both the international community and societies in the West. In parallel, there exist in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus distinct peoples who have neither acquired recognised statehood nor any significant representation within their own countries they are the so-called unrepresented peoples. Today, the territory of the former Soviet Union in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus is somewhat unique for its relatively high concentration of unrecognised states and unrepresented peoples. Each of them has varying degrees of independence and autonomy. Some have de facto statehood, whereas others are distinct peoples with little to no representation or territorial autonomy. Although different, these peoples seem to have one common goal self-determination. The benefits of recognised statehood are numerous and often taken for granted countries have access to various forms of international funding, for example from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMP); their citizens can travel, assured that their passports will be accepted in another country; and they have a voice at international forums like the United Nations (UN), which can be an opportunity to influence international outcomes in their favour. Unrecognised states, on the other hand, are isolated internationally and can be forced to rely upon a patron state which offers them all kinds of help in exchange for their allegiance. This dependency on a patron-client relationship can lead to the client state being used as a political tool by its patron. One key issue facing most unrecognised states is the restriction on movement imposed on their people. Because their de facto nationality is not recognised internationally, their locally-issued passports or travel documents are not considered valid for travel or entry into another country. The only way for them to travel abroad is to receive a passport from a neighbouring country, or to travel to the few countries that do recognise them. It happens that some people living in de facto states are entitled to other citizenships. In addition to unrecognised states, there also exists a number of unrepresented peoples that is, distinctethnic and linguistic groups that enjoy little or no representation both internationally and domestically. These peoples struggle even more for self-determination since they do not have their own autonomous territory. They find themselves even more vulnerable and are often at best ignored, or worse persecuted. Fonte: What does it mean to be unrecognised and unrepresented? https://unpo.org/article/2l947. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 07/08/2022. O termo allegiance, destacado em itlico sublinhado no excerto do terceiro pargrafo: in exchange for their allegiance pode ser substitudo, sem alterao de sentido, por

(ITA - 2023 - 1 FASE) Since the early l990s, an interesting phenomenon has emerged in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus some states that, despite having their own government and state apparatus, lack international recognition. Even today, the struggle of these unrecognised states remains widely unknown. While these states have been the focus of much academic study, their very existence is often neglected by both the international community and societies in the West. In parallel, there exist in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus distinct peoples who have neither acquired recognised statehood nor any significant representation within their own countries they are the so-called unrepresented peoples. Today, the territory of the former Soviet Union in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus is somewhat unique for its relatively high concentration of unrecognised states and unrepresented peoples. Each of them has varying degrees of independence and autonomy. Some have de facto statehood, whereas others are distinct peoples with little to no representation or territorial autonomy. Although different, these peoples seem to have one common goal self-determination. The benefits of recognised statehood are numerous and often taken for granted countries have access to various forms of international funding, for example from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMP); their citizens can travel, assured that their passports will be accepted in another country; and they have a voice at international forums like the United Nations (UN), which can be an opportunity to influence international outcomes in their favour. Unrecognised states, on the other hand, are isolated internationally and can be forced to rely upon a patron state which offers them all kinds of help in exchange for their allegiance. This dependency on a patron-client relationship can lead to the client state being used as a political tool by its patron. One key issue facing most unrecognised states is the restriction on movement imposed on their people. Because their de facto nationality is not recognised internationally, their locally-issued passports or travel documents are not considered valid for travel or entry into another country. The only way for them to travel abroad is to receive a passport from a neighbouring country, or to travel to the few countries that do recognise them. It happens that some people living in de facto states are entitled to other citizenships. In addition to unrecognised states, there also exists a number of unrepresented peoples that is, distinctethnic and linguistic groups that enjoy little or no representation both internationally and domestically. These peoples struggle even more for self-determination since they do not have their own autonomous territory. They find themselves even more vulnerable and are often at best ignored, or worse persecuted. Fonte: What does it mean to be unrecognised and unrepresented? https://unpo.org/article/2l947. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 07/08/2022. O termo do, destacado em itlico sublinhado no excerto do quarto pargrafo: the few countries that do recognise them expressa

(ITA - 2023 - 1 FASE) Conquistadores. By Fernando Cervantes. Viking; 512 pages; $35. Penguin, 12.99. A balanced retelling of the Spanish conquest of the Caribbean, Mexico and Peru, which draws heavily on the letters and diaries of those involved. The author chronicles the brutality of the invaders but seeks to judge them by the values of their own times. The behaviour of Hernn Corts and the rest was nurtured by a late-medieval religious culture, not purely by the lure of gold and still less by modern notions of statehood, he argues. News of a Kidnapping. By Gabriel Garca Mrquez. Translated by Edith Grossman. Vintage; 304 pages; $17. Penguin; 8.99. An unsurpassed journalistic account by Colombias most famous novelist of the horror inflicted by Pablo Escobar, the murderous drug-trafficker from Medellin, in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It focuses on the kidnapping of Diana Turbay, a journalist and daughter of a former president, tracing the agonising choices of officials torn between national interest and personal ties. The Feast of the Coat. By Mario Vargas Llosa. Translated by Edith Grossman. Picador; 416 pages; $20. Faber Faber; 8.99. Perus Nobel-prizewinning novelist is at his psychologically probing best in this fictionalised account of the moral corruption and political repression of the dictatorship of Rafael Lenidas Trujillo, the self-styled Generalissimo who ruled the Dominican Republic from 1930 until his assassination in1961. Beef, Bible and Bullets. By Richard Lapper. Manchester University Press; 272 pages; $29.95 and 11.99. A readable account of how Jair Bolsonaro won Brazils presidency in the election of 2018 through a culture war that forged an ad hoc coalition of farmers, evangelical Protestants and the security forces. Fonte: Our correspondents recommend the best books on their beats Latin America. In: www.economist.com/culture/2022/07/14/our-correspondentsrecommend-the-best-books-on-their_beats. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 14/07/2022. De acordo com o texto, dentre as obras recomendadas sobre a Arnerica Latina, assinale a alternativa que apresenta os ttulos cujos enredos ocorreram no sculo XX.

(ITA - 2023 - 1 FASE) Conquistadores. By Fernando Cervantes. Viking; 512 pages; $35. Penguin, 12.99. A balanced retelling of the Spanish conquest of the Caribbean, Mexico and Peru, which draws heavily on the letters and diaries of those involved. The author chronicles the brutality of the invaders but seeks to judge them by the values of their own times. The behaviour of Hernn Corts and the rest was nurtured by a late-medieval religious culture, not purely by the lure of gold and still less by modern notions of statehood, he argues. News of a Kidnapping. By Gabriel Garca Mrquez. Translated by Edith Grossman. Vintage; 304 pages; $17. Penguin; 8.99. An unsurpassed journalistic account by Colombias most famous novelist of the horror inflicted by Pablo Escobar, the murderous drug-trafficker from Medellin, in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It focuses on the kidnapping of Diana Turbay, a journalist and daughter of a former president, tracing the agonising choices of officials torn between national interest and personal ties. The Feast of the Coat. By Mario Vargas Llosa. Translated by Edith Grossman. Picador; 416 pages; $20. Faber Faber; 8.99. Perus Nobel-prizewinning novelist is at his psychologically probing best in this fictionalised account of the moral corruption and political repression of the dictatorship of Rafael Lenidas Trujillo, the self-styled Generalissimo who ruled the Dominican Republic from 1930 until his assassination in1961. Beef, Bible and Bullets. By Richard Lapper. Manchester University Press; 272 pages; $29.95 and 11.99. A readable account of how Jair Bolsonaro won Brazils presidency in the election of 2018 through a culture war that forged an ad hoc coalition of farmers, evangelical Protestants and the security forces. Fonte: Our correspondents recommend the best books on their beats Latin America. In: www.economist.com/culture/2022/07/14/our-correspondentsrecommend-the-best-books-on-their_beats. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 14/07/2022. According to the text, Fernando Cervantes, the author of Conquistadores,

(ITA - 2023 - 1 FASE) Conquistadores. By Fernando Cervantes. Viking; 512 pages; $35. Penguin, 12.99. A balanced retelling of the Spanish conquest of the Caribbean, Mexico and Peru, which draws heavily on the letters and diaries of those involved. The author chronicles the brutality of the invaders but seeks to judge them by the values of their own times. The behaviour of Hernn Corts and the rest was nurtured by a late-medieval religious culture, not purely by the lure of gold and still less by modern notions of statehood, he argues. News of a Kidnapping. By Gabriel Garca Mrquez. Translated by Edith Grossman. Vintage; 304 pages; $17. Penguin; 8.99. An unsurpassed journalistic account by Colombias most famous novelist of the horror inflicted by Pablo Escobar, the murderous drug-trafficker from Medellin, in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It focuses on the kidnapping of Diana Turbay, a journalist and daughter of a former president, tracing the agonising choices of officials torn between national interest and personal ties. The Feast of the Coat. By Mario Vargas Llosa. Translated by Edith Grossman. Picador; 416 pages; $20. Faber Faber; 8.99. Perus Nobel-prizewinning novelist is at his psychologically probing best in this fictionalised account of the moral corruption and political repression of the dictatorship of Rafael Lenidas Trujillo, the self-styled Generalissimo who ruled the Dominican Republic from 1930 until his assassination in1961. Beef, Bible and Bullets. By Richard Lapper. Manchester University Press; 272 pages; $29.95 and 11.99. A readable account of how Jair Bolsonaro won Brazils presidency in the election of 2018 through a culture war that forged an ad hoc coalition of farmers, evangelical Protestants and the security forces. Fonte: Our correspondents recommend the best books on their beats Latin America. In: www.economist.com/culture/2022/07/14/our-correspondentsrecommend-the-best-books-on-their_beats. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 14/07/2022. In the excerpt from the text the dictatorship of Rafael Lenidas Trujillo, the self-styled Generalissimo who ruled the Dominican Republic, the underlined expression means that he

(ITA - 2023 - 1 FASE) A hundred years ago this weekend, a group of young artists and writers organised what they called the Modern Art Week in the new and grandiose municipal theatre in So Paulo. In fact, it lasted only for three evenings. It included a show of modernist painting, lectures, poetry recitals and music by Heitor Villa-Lobos, who was to become Brazils best-known composer. It has since come to be seen as the founding moment of modern Brazilian artistic culture. Its centenary has brought both commemoration and some criticism. The event took place in So Paulo, then a fastindustrialising frontier city that was starting to rival Rio de Janeiro, the capital at the time, where the staid cultural establishment was based. The Brazilian modernists had their contradictions. The would-be revolutionaries were also dandies, the scions of the coffee-growing aristocracy, and they were close to the political oligarchy that ran So Paulo and Brazil. Even so, they were disrupters. The week was a declaration of cultural independence, that we are not simply a clumsy copy of something else, says Eduardo Giannetti, a Brazilian philosopher. The modernists aims were later formalised in a Manifesto Antropfago (Cannibal Manifesto), written by one of the poets, Oswald de Andrade. This sought to address the dilemma of how to be a Brazilian modern artist when modernism was a European import. The answer: Absorption of the sacred enemy. To transform him into a totem. In other words, Brazilians would not simply reproduce other models but digest them and turn them into something that was their own. The group embraced a national identity that, at least in theory, included black and indigenous Brazilians and their beliefs, and tropical fauna and flora. It was cultural nationalism, but of an open-minded, cosmopolitan and non-xenophobic kind. That was important. Across Latin America, modernist writers and artists were forging new national identities. As the innovative 1920s degenerated into the ideological conflicts of the 1930s, some would embrace communism and others creole fascism in its many variants. The Brazilian modernists would radicalise politically and be co-opted, too, by Getlio Vargas, Brazils nation-builder, who ruled for much of 1930 to 1954, by turns an autocrat and a democrat. Fonte: How the Cannibal Manifesto changed Brazil (Updated Feb 2O~ 2022). In: www.economist.com/the-americas/2022/02/12/how-the-cannibalmanifesto-changed-brazil. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 20/08/2022. In the second paragraph, the sentence Even so, they were disrupters means that they were disrupters although

(ITA - 2023 - 1 FASE) A hundred years ago this weekend, a group of young artists and writers organised what they called the Modern Art Week in the new and grandiose municipal theatre in So Paulo. In fact, it lasted only for three evenings. It included a show of modernist painting, lectures, poetry recitals and music by Heitor Villa-Lobos, who was to become Brazils best-known composer. It has since come to be seen as the founding moment of modern Brazilian artistic culture. Its centenary has brought both commemoration and some criticism. The event took place in So Paulo, then a fastindustrialising frontier city that was starting to rival Rio de Janeiro, the capital at the time, where the staid cultural establishment was based. The Brazilian modernists had their contradictions. The would-be revolutionaries were also dandies, the scions of the coffee-growing aristocracy, and they were close to the political oligarchy that ran So Paulo and Brazil. Even so, they were disrupters. The week was a declaration of cultural independence, that we are not simply a clumsy copy of something else, says Eduardo Giannetti, a Brazilian philosopher. The modernists aims were later formalised in a Manifesto Antropfago (Cannibal Manifesto), written by one of the poets, Oswald de Andrade. This sought to address the dilemma of how to be a Brazilian modern artist when modernism was a European import. The answer: Absorption of the sacred enemy. To transform him into a totem. In other words, Brazilians would not simply reproduce other models but digest them and turn them into something that was their own. The group embraced a national identity that, at least in theory, included black and indigenous Brazilians and their beliefs, and tropical fauna and flora. It was cultural nationalism, but of an open-minded, cosmopolitan and non-xenophobic kind. That was important. Across Latin America, modernist writers and artists were forging new national identities. As the innovative 1920s degenerated into the ideological conflicts of the 1930s, some would embrace communism and others creole fascism in its many variants. The Brazilian modernists would radicalise politically and be co-opted, too, by Getlio Vargas, Brazils nation-builder, who ruled for much of 1930 to 1954, by turns an autocrat and a democrat. Fonte: How the Cannibal Manifesto changed Brazil (Updated Feb 2O~ 2022). In: www.economist.com/the-americas/2022/02/12/how-the-cannibalmanifesto-changed-brazil. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 20/08/2022. The third paragraph of the text

(ITA - 2023 - 1 FASE) A hundred years ago this weekend, a group of young artists and writers organised what they called the Modern Art Week in the new and grandiose municipal theatre in So Paulo. In fact, it lasted only for three evenings. It included a show of modernist painting, lectures, poetry recitals and music by Heitor Villa-Lobos, who was to become Brazils best-known composer. It has since come to be seen as the founding moment of modern Brazilian artistic culture. Its centenary has brought both commemoration and some criticism. The event took place in So Paulo, then a fastindustrialising frontier city that was starting to rival Rio de Janeiro, the capital at the time, where the staid cultural establishment was based. The Brazilian modernists had their contradictions. The would-be revolutionaries were also dandies, the scions of the coffee-growing aristocracy, and they were close to the political oligarchy that ran So Paulo and Brazil. Even so, they were disrupters. The week was a declaration of cultural independence, that we are not simply a clumsy copy of something else, says Eduardo Giannetti, a Brazilian philosopher. The modernists aims were later formalised in a Manifesto Antropfago (Cannibal Manifesto), written by one of the poets, Oswald de Andrade. This sought to address the dilemma of how to be a Brazilian modern artist when modernism was a European import. The answer: Absorption of the sacred enemy. To transform him into a totem. In other words, Brazilians would not simply reproduce other models but digest them and turn them into something that was their own. The group embraced a national identity that, at least in theory, included black and indigenous Brazilians and their beliefs, and tropical fauna and flora. It was cultural nationalism, but of an open-minded, cosmopolitan and non-xenophobic kind. That was important. Across Latin America, modernist writers and artists were forging new national identities. As the innovative 1920s degenerated into the ideological conflicts of the 1930s, some would embrace communism and others creole fascism in its many variants. The Brazilian modernists would radicalise politically and be co-opted, too, by Getlio Vargas, Brazils nation-builder, who ruled for much of 1930 to 1954, by turns an autocrat and a democrat. Fonte: How the Cannibal Manifesto changed Brazil (Updated Feb 2O~ 2022). In: www.economist.com/the-americas/2022/02/12/how-the-cannibalmanifesto-changed-brazil. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 20/08/2022. No trecho do quarto pargrafo That was important, o termo that destacado em itlico sublinhado refere-se a

(ITA - 2022 - 1 fase) Stupidity permeates political life. We frequently accuse politicians, bureaucrats, journalists, voters, elites, and the masses for their stupidities. In fact, it is not only populist politicians, sensational journalism, and uneducated voters who are accused of stupidity. Similar accusations can be, and in fact have been, made concerning those who criticize them as well. It seems that stupidity is ubiquitous, unable to be contained within or attributed to one specific political position, personal trait, or even ignorance and erroneous reasoning. Undertaking a theoretical investigation of stupidity, Nabutaka Otobe challenges the assumption that stupidity can be avoided. The author argues that the very ubiquity of stupidity implies its unavoidability that we cannot contain in it such domains as error, ignorance, or post-truth. What we witness is rather that ones reasoning can be sound, evidence-based, and stupid. In revealing this unavoidability, he contends that stupidity is an ineluctable problem not only of politics, but also of thinking. We become stupid because we think: it is impossible to distinguish a priori stupid thought from upright, righteous thought. Moreover, the failure to address the unavoidability of stupidity leads political theory to the failure to acknowledge the productive moments that experiences of stupidity harbor within. Such productive moments constitute the potential of stupidity that radical new ideas can emerge out of our seemingly banal and stupid thinking in our daily political activity. Fonte: https://www.routledge.com/. Publicado em 12/10/2020. Acesso em 20/08/2021. De acordo com o texto, no correto afirmar que

(ITA - 2022 - 1 fase) Stupidity permeates political life. We frequently accuse politicians, bureaucrats, journalists, voters, elites, and the masses for their stupidities. In fact, it is not only populist politicians, sensational journalism, and uneducated voters who are accused of stupidity. Similar accusations can be, and in fact have been, made concerning those who criticize them as well. It seems that stupidity is ubiquitous, unable to be contained within or attributed to one specific political position, personal trait, or even ignorance and erroneous reasoning. Undertaking a theoretical investigation of stupidity, Nabutaka Otobe challenges the assumption that stupidity can be avoided. The author argues that the very ubiquity of stupidity implies its unavoidability that we cannot contain in it such domains as error, ignorance, or post-truth. What we witness is rather that ones reasoning can be sound, evidence-based, and stupid. In revealing this unavoidability, he contends that stupidity is an ineluctable problem not only of politics, but also of thinking. We become stupid because we think: it is impossible to distinguish a priori stupid thought from upright, righteous thought. Moreover, the failure to address the unavoidability of stupidity leads political theory to the failure to acknowledge the productive moments that experiences of stupidity harbor within. Such productive moments constitute the potential of stupidity that radical new ideas can emerge out of our seemingly banal and stupid thinking in our daily political activity. Fonte: https://www.routledge.com/. Publicado em 12/10/2020. Acesso em 20/08/2021. O termo moreover, destacado em itlico no excerto do segundo pargrafo, Moreover, the failure to address the unavoidability of stupidity leads political theory to the failure, pode ser substitudo, sem prejuzo de significado, por

(ITA - 2022 - 1 fase) Jaap Wagelaar was my all-time favorite secondary school teacher. He gave me a 10/10 for my oral Dutch literature exam, taught psychoanalysis during grammar class, astounded pupils with odd puppet show performances during lunch breaks and sadly ended his carrer with a burn-out. Few students and fellow teachers understood him. But since I trusted his judgement like nobody elses, I once asked him why Piet Paaltjens and Gerard Reve, both canonized Dutch literary figures, albeit of very divergent genres, could occasionaly be kind or ironic but were more often rather cynical, cold and heartless. The response he gave has stuck with me ever since:cynical people are in fact the most emotional ones. Because of their sentimentality they are unable to handle injustice and feel forced to build up a self-protective screen against painful emotions called cynicism. Irony is mild, harmless and green. Sarcasm is biting and represents an orange traffic light. And the color of cynicism is deep red, with the shape of a grim scar that hides a hurt soul. They are all equally beautiful. These words again came to my mind when thinking back on the dozens of ironic, sarcastic and cynical memes about underperforming politicians and policy scandals disseminated over the past year. Who has not seen the image of Donald Trump walking through a desolate, scorched forest mumbling to himself: My work here is almost done? Who has not read the scathing reports of Flemish Ministers Bart Somers and Hilde Crevits escaping from a window aided by an unindefined third person after a meeting of the Council of Ministers to avoid critical journalists with the defense that theyurgently needed to go on holidday and windows are faster than doors?Who has not come across the video announcement for a fictitious thriller called Angstra Zeneca with Dutch Health Minister Hugo de Jonge exclaming ik heb er zon kankerbende van gemaakt (I have made it all a cancerous mess) with a grimace stretching from ear to ear? And who has missed the most recent true story tragicomedy played by Charles Michel, male President of the European Council, and Ursula von der Leyen, female President of the European Comission, who had jointly been invited by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to discuss the position of women in Turkey? Unfortunately, they were only offered one chair for two people, which was symbolically occupied by Michel who left Von der Leyen standing awkwardly for a while. She ended up settling for a place on the comfortable sofa reserved for second rank guests. It was dammed easy to get addicted to these countless videos, photos, images and written parodies. Oh, did we have fun with them! some were ironic, some sarcastic and others cynical, but they jointly sketch a disconcerting image of the quality and reputation of key politicians in liberal Western democracies. Fonte: https://www.eur.nl/en/news/. Publicado em 16/04/2021. Acesso em 29/08/21. Adaptado. O termo albeit, destacado em itlico no excerto do primeiro pargrafo, both canonized Dutch literary figuresalbeit of very divergent genres, tem sentido equivalente a

(ITA - 2022 - 1 fase) Jaap Wagelaar was my all-time favorite secondary school teacher. He gave me a 10/10 for my oral Dutch literature exam, taught psychoanalysis during grammar class, astounded pupils with odd puppet show performances during lunch breaks and sadly ended his carrer with a burn-out. Few students and fellow teachers understood him. But since I trusted his judgement like nobody elses, I once asked him why Piet Paaltjens and Gerard Reve, both canonized Dutch literary figures, albeit of very divergent genres, could occasionaly be kind or ironic but were more often rather cynical, cold and heartless. The response he gave has stuck with me ever since:cynical people are in fact the most emotional ones. Because of their sentimentality they are unable to handle injustice and feel forced to build up a self-protective screen against painful emotions called cynicism. Irony is mild, harmless and green. Sarcasm is biting and represents an orange traffic light. And the color of cynicism is deep red, with the shape of a grim scar that hides a hurt soul. They are all equally beautiful. These words again came to my mind when thinking back on the dozens of ironic, sarcastic and cynical memes about underperforming politicians and policy scandals disseminated over the past year. Who has not seen the image of Donald Trump walking through a desolate, scorched forest mumbling to himself: My work here is almost done? Who has not read the scathing reports of Flemish Ministers Bart Somers and Hilde Crevits escaping from a window aided by an unindefined third person after a meeting of the Council of Ministers to avoid critical journalists with the defense that theyurgently needed to go on holidday and windows are faster than doors?Who has not come across the video announcement for a fictitious thriller called Angstra Zeneca with Dutch Health Minister Hugo de Jonge exclaming ik heb er zon kankerbende van gemaakt(I have made it all a cancerous mess) with a grimace stretching from ear to ear? And who has missed the most recent true story tragicomedy played by Charles Michel, male President of the European Council, and Ursula von der Leyen, female President of the European Comission, who had jointly been invited by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to discuss the position of women in Turkey? Unfortunately, they were only offered one chair for two people, which was symbolically occupied by Michel who left Von der Leyen standing awkwardly for a while. She ended up settling for a place on the comfortable sofa reserved for second rank guests. It was dammed easy to get addicted to these countless videos, photos, images and written parodies. Oh, did we have fun with them! some were ironic, some sarcastic and others cynical, but they jointly sketch a disconcerting image of the quality and reputation of key politicians in liberal Western democracies. Fonte: https://www.eur.nl/en/news/. Publicado em 16/04/2021. Acesso em 29/08/21. Adaptado. Em um encontro para discutir a posio da mulher, o anfitrio

(ITA - 2022 - 1 FASE) In a new survey of North American Indian languages, Marianne Mithun gives an admirably clear statement of what is lost as each language ceases to be used. Speakers of these languages and their descendants are acutely aware of what it can mean to lose a language, she begins and this is perfectly true, although these speakers must have taken the decision themselves not to teach the language to their children. It happens all too often people regret that their language and culture are being lost but at the same time decide not to saddle their own children with the chore of preserving them. When a language disappears [Mithun continues] the most intimate aspects of culture can disappear as well: fundamental ways of organizing experience into concepts, of relating ideas to each other, of interacting to people. The more conscious genres of verbal art are usually list as well: traditional ritual, oratory, myth, legends, and even humor. Speakers commonly remark that when they speak a different language, they say different things and even think different thoughts. These are very interesting assertions. They slip by in a book on anthropological linguistics, where in a book on linguistic theory they would be highly contentious. Is it true that fundamental ways of organizing experience into concepts [and] of relating ideas to each other are specific to individual languages and are therefore likely to be list when a language ceases to be used? Is it true that when speakers speak a different language, they say different things and even think different thoughts? Again, the extent to which thought depends on language is very controversial. These questions must be now faced, because only when we have reached an opinion on them will we be able to accept or reject Marianne Mithuns conclusion: The loss of a language represents a definitive separation of a people from its heritage. It also represents an irreparable loss for us all, the loss of opportunities to glimpse alternative ways of making sense of the human experience. Fonte: Dalby, Andew.Language in danger. New York: Columbia University Press, 2003. p. 252; 285. Adaptado. De acordo com a linguista Marianne Mithun

(ITA - 2022 - 1 FASE) In a new survey of North American Indian languages, Marianne Mithun gives an admirably clear statement of what is lost as each language ceases to be used. Speakers of these languages and their descendants are acutely aware of what it can mean to lose a language, she begins and this is perfectly true, although these speakers must have taken the decision themselves not to teach the language to their children. It happens all too often people regret that their language and culture are being lost but at the same time decide not to saddle their own children with the chore of preserving them. When a language disappears [Mithun continues] the most intimate aspects of culture can disappear as well: fundamental ways of organizing experience into concepts, of relating ideas to each other, of interacting to people. The more conscious genres of verbal art are usually list as well: traditional ritual, oratory, myth, legends, and even humor. Speakers commonly remark that when they speak a different language, they say different things and even think different thoughts. These are very interesting assertions. They slip by in a book on anthropological linguistics, where in a book on linguistic theory they would be highly contentious. Is it true that fundamental ways of organizing experience into concepts [and] of relating ideas to each other are specific to individual languages and are therefore likely to be list when a language ceases to be used? Is it true that when speakers speak a different language, they say different things and even think different thoughts? Again, the extent to which thought depends on language is very controversial. These questions must be now faced, because only when we have reached an opinion on them will we be able to accept or reject Marianne Mithuns conclusion: The loss of a language represents a definitive separation of a people from its heritage. It also represents an irreparable loss for us all, the loss of opportunities to glimpse alternative ways of making sense of the human experience. Fonte: Dalby, Andew.Language in danger. New York: Columbia University Press, 2003. p. 252; 285. Adaptado. O termo must, destacado em itlico no excerto do segundo pargrafo, These questionsmustbe now faced, pode ser substitudo, sem alterao de significado, por

(ITA - 2022 - 1 FASE) In a new survey of North American Indian languages, Marianne Mithun gives an admirably clear statement of what is lost as each language ceases to be used. Speakers of these languages and their descendants are acutely aware of what it can mean to lose a language, she begins and this is perfectly true, although these speakers must have taken the decision themselves not to teach the language to their children. It happens all too often people regret that their language and culture are being lost but at the same time decide not to saddle their own children with the chore of preserving them. When a language disappears [Mithun continues] the most intimate aspects of culture can disappear as well: fundamental ways of organizing experience into concepts, of relating ideas to each other, of interacting to people. The more conscious genres of verbal art are usually list as well: traditional ritual, oratory, myth, legends, and even humor. Speakers commonly remark that when they speak a different language, they say different things and even think different thoughts. These are very interesting assertions. They slip by in a book on anthropological linguistics, where in a book on linguistic theory they would be highly contentious. Is it true that fundamental ways of organizing experience into concepts [and] of relating ideas to each other are specific to individual languages and are therefore likely to be list when a language ceases to be used? Is it true that when speakers speak a different language, they say different things and even think different thoughts? Again, the extent to which thought depends on language is very controversial. These questions must be now faced, because only when we have reached an opinion on them will we be able to accept or reject Marianne Mithuns conclusion: The loss of a language represents a definitive separation of a people from its heritage. It also represents an irreparable loss for us all, the loss of opportunities to glimpse alternative ways of making sense of the human experience. Fonte: Dalby, Andew.Language in danger. New York: Columbia University Press, 2003. p. 252; 285. Adaptado. De acordo com o texto, correto afirmar que com o desaparecimento de uma lngua, aspectos dessa cultura tambm esto fadados ao desaparecimento, exceto