Questões de Inglês - ITA | Gabarito e resoluções

(ITA - 2022 - 1 FASE) Meritocracy has become a leading social ideal. Politicians across the ideological spectrum continually return to the theme that the rewards of life money, power, jobs, university admission should be distributed according to skill and effort. The most common metaphor is the even playing field upon which players can rise to the position that fits their merit. Conceptually and morally, meritocracy is presented as the opposite of systems such as hereditary aristocracy, in which ones social position is determined by the lottery of birth. Under meritocracy, wealth and advantage are merits rightful compensation, not the fortuitous windfall of external events. And most people dont just think the world should be run meritocratically, they think it is meritocratic. However, although widely held, the belief that merit rather than luck determined success or failure in the world is demonstrably false. This is not least because merit itself is, in large part, the result of luck. Talent and the capacity for determined effort, sometimes called grit, depend a great deal on ones genetic endowments and upbringing. Perhaps more disturbing, simply holding meritocracy as a value seems to promote discriminatory behaviour. The management scholar Emilio Castilla at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the sociologist Stephen Benard at Indiana University studied attempts to implement meritocratic practices, such as performance-based compensation in private companies. They found that, in companies that explicitly held meritocracy as a core value, managers assigned greater rewards to male employees over female employees with identical performance evaluations. This preference disappeared where meritocracy was not explicitly adopted as a value. This is surprising because impartiality is the core of meritocracys moral appeal. The even playing field is intended to avoid unfair inequalities based on gender, race and the like. Yet Castilla and Benard found that, ironically, attempts to implement meritocracy leads to just the kinds of inequalities that it aims to eliminate. They suggest that this paradox of meritocracy occurs because explicitly adopting meritocracy as a value convinces subjects of their own moral sincerity. Satisfied that they are just, they become less inclined to examine their own behaviour for signs of prejudice. As with any ideology, part of its draw is that it justifies the status quo, explaining why people belong where they happen to be in the social order. It is a well-established psychological principle that people prefer to believe that the world is just. Fonte: https://blgthink.com. Publicado em 23/03/2019. Acesso em: 20/08/2021. Adaptado. According to the first paragraph, one of the supporting arguments for meritocracy is:

(ITA - 2022 - 1 FASE) Meritocracy has become a leading social ideal. Politicians across the ideological spectrum continually return to the theme that the rewards of life money, power, jobs, university admission should be distributed according to skill and effort. The most common metaphor is the even playing field upon which players can rise to the position that fits their merit. Conceptually and morally, meritocracy is presented as the opposite of systems such as hereditary aristocracy, in which ones social position is determined by the lottery of birth. Under meritocracy, wealth and advantage are merits rightful compensation, not the fortuitous windfall of external events. And most people dont just think the world should be run meritocratically, they think it is meritocratic. However, although widely held, the belief that merit rather than luck determined success or failure in the world is demonstrably false. This is not least because merit itself is, in large part, the result of luck. Talent and the capacity for determined effort, sometimes called grit, depend a great deal on ones genetic endowments and upbringing. Perhaps more disturbing, simply holding meritocracy as a value seems to promote discriminatory behaviour. The management scholar Emilio Castilla at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the sociologist Stephen Benard at Indiana University studied attempts to implement meritocratic practices, such as performance-based compensation in private companies. They found that, in companies that explicitly held meritocracy as a core value, managers assigned greater rewards to male employees over female employees with identical performance evaluations. This preference disappeared where meritocracy was not explicitly adopted as a value. This is surprising because impartiality is the core of meritocracys moral appeal. The even playing field is intended to avoid unfair inequalities based on gender, race and the like. Yet Castilla and Benard found that, ironically, attempts to implement meritocracy leads to just the kinds of inequalities that it aims to eliminate. They suggest that this paradox of meritocracy occurs because explicitly adopting meritocracy as a value convinces subjects of their own moral sincerity. Satisfied that they are just, they become less inclined to examine their own behaviour for signs of prejudice. As with any ideology, part of its draw is that it justifies the status quo, explaining why people belong where they happen to be in the social order. It is a well-established psychological principle that people prefer to believe that the world is just. Fonte: https://blgthink.com. Publicado em 23/03/2019. Acesso em: 20/08/2021. Adaptado. According to the third and fourth paragraphs, researches at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Indiana University found that meritocracy

(ITA - 2022 - 1 FASE) Meritocracy has become a leading social ideal. Politicians across the ideological spectrum continually return to the theme that the rewards of life money, power, jobs, university admission should be distributed according to skill and effort. The most common metaphor is the even playing field upon which players can rise to the position that fits their merit. Conceptually and morally, meritocracy is presented as the opposite of systems such as hereditary aristocracy, in which ones social position is determined by the lottery of birth. Under meritocracy, wealth and advantage are merits rightful compensation, not the fortuitous windfall of external events. And most people dont just think the world should be run meritocratically, they think it is meritocratic. However, although widely held, the belief that merit rather than luck determined success or failure in the world is demonstrably false. This is not least because merit itself is, in large part, the result of luck. Talent and the capacity for determined effort, sometimes called grit, depend a great deal on ones genetic endowments and upbringing. Perhaps more disturbing, simply holding meritocracy as a value seems to promote discriminatory behaviour. The management scholar Emilio Castilla at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the sociologist Stephen Benard at Indiana University studied attempts to implement meritocratic practices, such as performance-based compensation in private companies. They found that, in companies that explicitly held meritocracy as a core value, managers assigned greater rewards to male employees over female employees with identical performance evaluations. This preference disappeared where meritocracy was not explicitly adopted as a value. This is surprising because impartiality is the core of meritocracys moral appeal. The even playing field is intended to avoid unfair inequalities based on gender, race and the like. Yet Castilla and Benard found that, ironically, attempts to implement meritocracy leads to just the kinds of inequalities that it aims to eliminate. They suggest that this paradox of meritocracy occurs because explicitly adopting meritocracy as a value convinces subjects of their own moral sincerity. Satisfied that they are just, they become less inclined to examine their own behaviour for signs of prejudice. As with any ideology, part of its draw is that it justifies the status quo, explaining why people belong where they happen to be in the social order. It is a well-established psychological principle that people prefer to believe that the world is just. Fonte: https://blgthink.com. Publicado em 23/03/2019. Acesso em: 20/08/2021. Adaptado. De acordo com o quarto pargrafo, a meritocracia promove

(ITA - 2021 - 1 FASE) Since from August 1914 to November 1918 Great Britain and her Allies were fighting for civilization it cannot, I suppose, be impertinent to inquire what precisely civilization may be Liberty and Justice have always been reckoned expensive words, but that Civilization could cost as much as I forget how many millions a day came as a surprise to many thoughtful taxpayers. The story of this words rise to the highest place amongst British war aims is so curious that, even were it less relevant. I should be tempted to tell it [...]. You are fighting for civilization, cried the wisest and best of those leaders who led us into war, and the very soldiers took up the cry, Join up, for civilizations sake. Startled by this sudden enthusiasm for an abstraction in which till then politicians and recruiting-sargents had manifested little or no interest, I, in my turn, began to cry: And what is civilization? I did not cry aloud, be sure? at that time, for crying things of that sort aloud, one was sent to prison. But this thing is no longer criminal, nor unpatriotic even, to ask questions, I intend to inquire what this thing is for which we fought and for which we pay, I propose to investigate the nature of our leading war-aim. Whether my search will end in discovery and - if it does - wheter what is discovered will bear any likeliness to the Treaty of Versailles remains to be seen. BELL, Clive.Civilization: An Essay, 1 ed. 1928. Harmondsworth, Middlesex, UK: Penguin Books, 1928, p. 13. A diferena existente entre os anos de 1914 a 1918 e o momento em que o texto foi escrito que:

(ITA - 2021 - 1 FASE) Since from August 1914 to November 1918 Great Britain and her Allies were fighting for civilization it cannot, I suppose, be impertinent to inquire what precisely civilization may be Liberty and Justice have always been reckoned expensive words, but that Civilization could cost as much as I forget how many millions a day came as a surprise to many thoughtful taxpayers. The story of this words rise to the highest place amongst British war aims is so curious that, even were it less relevant. I should be tempted to tell it [...]. You are fighting for civilization, cried the wisest and best of those leaders who led us into war, and the very soldiers took up the cry, Join up, for civilizations sake. Startled by this sudden enthusiasm for an abstraction in which till then politicians and recruiting-sargents had manifested little or no interest, I, in my turn, began to cry: And what is civilization? I did not cry aloud, be sure? at that time, for crying things of that sort aloud, one was sent to prison. But this thing is no longer criminal, nor unpatriotic even, to ask questions, I intend to inquire what this thing is for which we fought and for which we pay, I propose to investigate the nature of our leading war-aim. Whether my search will end in discovery and - if it does - wheter what is discovered will bear any likeliness to the Treaty of Versailles remains to be seen. BELL, Clive.Civilization: An Essay, 1 ed. 1928. Harmondsworth, Middlesex, UK: Penguin Books, 1928, p. 13. O termostartled, destacado no trecho do segundo pargrafo, Startled by this sudden enthusiasm [...], pode ser entendido como:

(ITA - 2021 - 1 FASE) Since from August 1914 to November 1918 Great Britain and her Allies were fighting for civilization it cannot, I suppose, be impertinent to inquire what precisely civilization may be Liberty and Justice have always been reckoned expensive words, but that Civilization could cost as much as I forget how many millions a day came as a surprise to many thoughtful taxpayers. The story of this words rise to the highest place amongst British war aims is so curious that, even were it less relevant. I should be tempted to tell it [...]. You are fighting for civilization, cried the wisest and best of those leaders who led us into war, and the very soldiers took up the cry, Join up, for civilizations sake. Startled by this sudden enthusiasm for an abstraction in which till then politicians and recruiting-sargents had manifested little or no interest, I, in my turn, began to cry: And what is civilization? I did not cry aloud, be sure? at that time, for crying things of that sort aloud, one was sent to prison. But this thing is no longer criminal, nor unpatriotic even, to ask questions, I intend to inquire what this thing is for which we fought and for which we pay, I propose to investigate the nature of our leading war-aim. Whether my search will end in discovery and - if it does - wheter what is discovered will bear any likeliness to the Treaty of Versailles remains to be seen. BELL, Clive.Civilization: An Essay, 1 ed. 1928. Harmondsworth, Middlesex, UK: Penguin Books, 1928, p. 13. O termolikeliness, destacado no trecho do segundo pargrafo, [...] whether what is discovered will bear anylikelinessto the Treaty of Versailles to be seen., pode ser substituido, sem prejuzo de significado, por:

(ITA - 2021 - 1 FASE) It is the standing reproach of a democratic society that it is the purgatory of genius and the paradise of mediocrity. With ourselves it has become notorious that when a man is so unfortunate as to exhibit uncommon abilities, he usually renders himself ineligible for political honors or distinctions. It would seem that the community is possessed with that groveling quality of a sordid mind which hates superiority, and would ostracize genius, as the Athenians did Aristides. One might believe it would not be unpleasing to the popular taste if some enterprising person could invent a machine for stunting intellectual development, after the fashion of idiotic barbarians who flatten the heads of their children. The masses of the community certainly appear to believe that political equality implies not only social, but should also imply intellectual equality, under pain of being severely frowned down by an outraged public opinion. The prevalent sentiment manifests itself in many different ways. It finds expression in public conveyances and resorts, and is not altogether unknown even to the pulpit. It is found to perfection in the speeches of demagogues, who feel certain they are never so successful as when their audience is satisfied that the intellect of the speaker is of no higher an order than that of the lowest intelligence among them. Worse than all, it is demonstrated in the election of public officers of nearly all grades up to the highest: of which latter it has now become quite the custom to assume that it is impossible for a man of first-rate powers to be made President of the United States. The causes which lend to so singular a state of affairs are of an intricate and complex character. At the outset, it is difficult to realize the possibility of a system, the logical deduction from which appears to be that, if a man would rise in life, he must assiduously belittle his understanding. Perhaps it would be fairer to modify the proposition so far as to concede that ability is as useful here as elsewhere, provided the owner has the tact not to affront the sensibilities of the people by showing too much of it. No doubt a vague apprehension exists in the popular mind that shining talents are dangerous when intrusted with executive power in a republic: yet, it were a poor commentary on our institutions to intimate that, under them, for a man to be clever he must also be vicious. Experience rather teaches the contrary. If the diffusion of education, Having the general tendency to elevate the understanding, is to produce more had men than good, we had better abandon than foster our Common School system. Manifestly, we must look further for the solution of our enigma [:] that minds of moderate calibre ordinarily condemn everything which is beyond their range. THE NEW YORK TIMES. The worship of mediocrity. 17/08/186. Disponvel em: https://www.nytimes.com/1862/08/17/archives/the-worship-of-mediocrity.html. Acesso 20/08/2020. Leia atentamente as declaraes destacadas. Em seguida, assinale a alternativa correta. I. Quanto menos inteligente for um homem, mais chances ele ter de ser presidente dos Estados Unidos. II. Quando um homem infeliz a ponto de exibir habilidades incomuns, ele se torna inelegvel para distines polticas. III. A declarao de que o sistema educacional deve ser abandonado se produz mais pessoais ruins que boas irnica. De acordo com o texto, correto afirmar que:

(ITA - 2021 - 1 FASE) It is the standing reproach of a democratic society that it is the purgatory of genius and the paradise of mediocrity. With ourselves it has become notorious that when a man is so unfortunate as to exhibit uncommon abilities, he usually renders himself ineligible for political honors or distinctions. It would seem that the community is possessed with that groveling quality of a sordid mind which hates superiority, and would ostracize genius, as the Athenians did Aristides. One might believe it would not be unpleasing to the popular taste if some enterprising person could invent a machine for stunting intellectual development, after the fashion of idiotic barbarians who flatten the heads of their children. The masses of the community certainly appear to believe that political equality implies not only social, but should also imply intellectual equality, under pain of being severely frowned down by an outraged public opinion. The prevalent sentiment manifests itself in many different ways. It finds expression in public conveyances and resorts, and is not altogether unknown even to the pulpit. It is found to perfection in the speeches of demagogues, who feel certain they are never so successful as when their audience is satisfied that the intellect of the speaker is of no higher an order than that of the lowest intelligence among them. Worse than all, it is demonstrated in the election of public officers of nearly all grades up to the highest: of which latter it has now become quite the custom to assume that it is impossible for a man of first-rate powers to be made President of the United States. The causes which lend to so singular a state of affairs are of an intricate and complex character. At the outset, it is difficult to realize the possibility of a system, the logical deduction from which appears to be that, if a man would rise in life, he must assiduously belittle his understanding. Perhaps it would be fairer to modify the proposition so far as to concede that ability is as useful here as elsewhere, provided the owner has the tact not to affront the sensibilities of the people by showing too much of it. No doubt a vague apprehension exists in the popular mind that shining talents are dangerous when intrusted with executive power in a republic: yet, it were a poor commentary on our institutions to intimate that, under them, for a man to be clever he must also be vicious. Experience rather teaches the contrary. If the diffusion of education, Having the general tendency to elevate the understanding, is to produce more had men than good, we had better abandon than foster our Common School system. Manifestly, we must look further for the solution of our enigma [:] that minds of moderate calibre ordinarily condemn everything which is beyond their range. THE NEW YORK TIMES. The worship of mediocrity. 17/08/1862. Disponvel em: https://www.nytimes.com/1862/08/17/archives/the-worship-of-mediocrity.html. Acesso 20/08/2020. No trecho destacado, extrado do segundo pargrafo, It is found to perfection in the speeches of demagogues, who feel certain they are never so successful as when their audience is satisfied that the intellect of the speaker is of no higher an order than that of the lowest intelligence among them, a ideia principal a de que:

(ITA - 2021 - 1 FASE) THE WORSHIP OF MEDIOCRITY It is the standing reproach of a democratic society that it is the purgatory of genius and the paradise of mediocrity. With ourselves it has become notorious that when a man is so unfortunate as to exhibit uncommon abilities, he usually renders himself ineligible for political honors or distinctions. It would seem that the community is possessed with that groveling quality of a sordid mind which hates superiority, and would ostracize genius, as the Athenians did Aristides. One might believe it would not be unpleasing to the popular taste if some enterprising person could invent a machine for stunting intellectual development, after the fashion of idiotic barbarians who flatten the heads of their children. The masses of the community certainly appear to believe that political equality implies not only social, but should also imply intellectual equality, under pain of being severely frowned down by an outraged public opinion. The prevalent sentiment manifests itself in many different ways. It finds expression in public conveyances and resorts, and is not altogether unknown even to the pulpit. It is found to perfection in the speeches of demagogues, who feel certain they are never so successful as when their audience is satisfied that the intellect of the speaker is of no higher an order than that of the lowest intelligence among them. Worse than all, it is demonstrated in the election of public officers of nearly all grades up to the highest: of which latter it has now become quite the custom to assume that it is impossible for a man of first-rate powers to be made President of the United States. The causes which lend to so singular a state of affairs are of an intricate and complex character. At the outset, it is difficult to realize the possibility of a system, the logical deduction from which appears to be that, if a man would rise in life, he must assiduously belittle his understanding. Perhaps it would be fairer to modify the proposition so far as to concede that ability is as useful here as elsewhere, provided the owner has the tact not to affront the sensibilities of the people by showing too much of it. No doubt a vague apprehension exists in the popular mind that shining talents are dangerous when intrusted with executive power in a republic: yet, it were a poor commentary on our institutions to intimate that, under them, for a man to be clever he must also be vicious. Experience rather teaches the contrary. If the diffusion of education, Having the general tendency to elevate the understanding, is to produce more had men than good, we had better abandon than foster our Common School system. Manifestly, we must look further for the solution of our enigma [:] that minds of moderate calibre ordinarily condemn everything which is beyond their range. THE NEW YORK TIMES. The worship of mediocrity. 17/08/186. Disponvel em: https://www.nytimes.com/1862/08/17/archives/the-worship-of-mediocrity.html. Acesso 20/08/2020. De acordo com o terceiro pargrafo, correto afirmar que:

(ITA - 2021 - 1 FASE) When my family first movedto North Carolina, we lived in a rented house three blocks from the school where I would begin the third grade. My mother made friends with one of the neighbors, but one seemed enough for her. Within a year we would move again and, as she explained, there wasnt much point in getting too close to people we would have to say good-bye to. Our next house was less than a mile away, and the short journey would hardly merit tears or even good-byes, for that matter. It was more of a see you later situation, but still I adopted my mothers attitude, as it allowed me to pretend that not making friends was a conscious choice. I could if I wanted to. It just wasnt the right time. Back in New York State, we had lived in the country, with no sidewalks or streetlights; you could leave the house and still be alone. But here, when you looked out the window, you saw other houses, and people inside those houses. I hoped that in walking around after dark I might witness a murder, but for the most part our neighbors just sat in their living rooms, watching TV. The only place that seemed truly different was owned by a man named Mr. Tomkey, who did not believe in television [...]. To say that you did not believe in television was different from saying that you did not care for it. Belief implied that television had a master plan and that you were against it. It also suggested that you thought too much. When my mother reported that Mr. Tomkey did not believe in television, my father said, Well, good for him. I dont know that I believe in it, either. Thats exactly how I feel, my mother said, and then my parents watched the news, and whatever came on after the news. SEDARIS, David.Dress Your Family in Corduroy and Denim.Recurso eletrnico. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 2004, p. 5. De acordo com o texto:

(ITA - 2021 - 1 FASE) Text III When my family first movedto North Carolina, we lived in a rented house three blocks from the school where I would begin the third grade. My mother made friends with one of the neighbors, but one seemed enough for her. Within a year we would move again and, as she explained, there wasnt much point in getting too close to people we would have to say good-bye to. Our next house was less than a mile away, and the short journey would hardly merit tears or even good-byes, for that matter. It was more of a see you later situation, but still I adopted my mothers attitude, as it allowed me to pretend that not making friends was a conscious choice. I could if I wanted to. It just wasnt the right time. Back in New York State, we had lived in the country, with no sidewalks or streetlights; you could leave the house and still be alone. But here, when you looked out the window, you saw other houses, and people inside those houses. I hoped that in walking around after dark I might witness a murder, but for the most part our neighbors just sat in their living rooms, watching TV. The only place that seemed truly different was owned by a man named Mr. Tomkey, who did not believe in television [...]. To say that you did not believe in television was different from saying that you did not care for it. Belief implied that television had a master plan and that you were against it. It also suggested that you thought too much. When my mother reported that Mr. Tomkey did not believe in television, my father said, Well, good for him. I dont know that I believe in it, either. Thats exactly how I feel, my mother said, and then my parents watched the news, and whatever came on after the news. SEDARIS, David.Dress Your Family in Corduroy and Denim.Recurso eletrnico. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 2004, p. 5. Os fatos apresentados pelo narrador no terceiro e no quarto pargrafos expressam:

(ITA - 2021 - 1 FASE) When my family first movedto North Carolina, we lived in a rented house three blocks from the school where I would begin the third grade. My mother made friends with one of the neighbors, but one seemed enough for her. Within a year we would move again and, as she explained, there wasnt much point in getting too close to people we would have to say good-bye to. Our next house was less than a mile away, and the short journey would hardly merit tears or even good-byes, for that matter. It was more of a see you later situation, but still I adopted my mothers attitude, as it allowed me to pretend that not making friends was a conscious choice. I could if I wanted to. It just wasnt the right time. Back in New York State, we had lived in the country, with no sidewalks or streetlights; you could leave the house and still be alone. But here, when you looked out the window, you saw other houses, and people inside those houses. I hoped that in walking around after dark I might witness a murder, but for the most part our neighbors just sat in their living rooms, watching TV. The only place that seemed truly different was owned by a man named Mr. Tomkey, who did not believe in television [...]. To say that you did not believe in television was different from saying that you did not care for it. Belief implied that television had a master plan and that you were against it. It also suggested that you thought too much. When my mother reported that Mr. Tomkey did not believe in television, my father said, Well, good for him. I dont know that I believe in it, either. Thats exactly how I feel, my mother said, and then my parents watched the news, and whatever came on after the news. SEDARIS, David.Dress Your Family in Corduroy and Denim.Recurso eletrnico. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 2004, p. 5. O trecho destacado do segundo pargrafo, I hoped that in walking around after dark I might witness a murder, but for the most part our neighbors just sat in their living rooms, watching TV., poderia ser mais bem traduzido, sem perda de sentido como:

(ITA - 2021 - 1 FASE) When my family first movedto North Carolina, we lived in a rented house three blocks from the school where I would begin the third grade. My mother made friends with one of the neighbors, but one seemed enough for her. Within a year we would move again and, as she explained, there wasnt much point in getting too close to people we would have to say good-bye to. Our next house was less than a mile away, and the short journey would hardly merit tears or even good-byes, for that matter. It was more of a see you later situation, but still I adopted my mothers attitude, as it allowed me to pretend that not making friends was a conscious choice. I could if I wanted to. It just wasnt the right time. Back in New York State, we had lived in the country, with no sidewalks or streetlights; you could leave the house and still be alone. But here, when you looked out the window, you saw other houses, and people inside those houses. I hoped that in walking around after dark I might witness a murder, but for the most part our neighbors just sat in their living rooms, watching TV. The only place that seemed truly different was owned by a man named Mr. Tomkey, who did not believe in television [...]. To say that you did not believe in television was different from saying that you did not care for it. Belief implied that television had a master plan and that you were against it. It also suggested that you thought too much. When my mother reported that Mr. Tomkey did not believe in television, my father said, Well, good for him. I dont know that I believe in it, either. Thats exactly how I feel, my mother said, and then my parents watched the news, and whatever came on after the news. SEDARIS, David.Dress Your Family in Corduroy and Denim.Recurso eletrnico. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 2004, p. 5. O termostill, destacado no trecho do primeiro pargrafo, It was more of a see you later situation, butstillI adopted my mothers attitude [...], transmite a ideia de:

(ITA - 2020 - 1 FASE) Experts warn that the substitution of machinery for human labour may render the population redundant. They worry that the discovery of this mighty power has come before we knew how to employ it rightly. Such fears are expressed today by those who worry that advances in artificial intelligence (AI) could destroy millions of jobs and pose a Terminator-style threat to humanity. But these are in fact the words of commentators discussing mechanisation and steam power two centuries ago. Back then the controversy over the dangers posed by machines was known as the machinery question. Now a very similar debate is under way. After many false dawns, AI has made extraordinary progress in the past few years, thanks to a versatile technique called deep learning. Given enough data, large (or deep) neural networks, modelled on the brains architecture, can be trained to do all kinds of things. They power Googles search engine, Facebooks automatic photo tagging, Apples voice assistant, Amazon s shopping recommendations and Tesias self-driving cars. But this rapid progress has also led to concerns about safety and job losses. Stephen Hawking, Elon Musk and others wonder whether AI could get out of control, precipitating a sci-fi conflict between people and machines. Others worry that AI will cause widespread unemployment, by automating cognitive tasks that could previously be done only by people. After 200 years, the machinery question is back. It needs to be answered. Fonte:https://www.economist.com/leaders/2016/06/25/march-of-the-machines.Adaptado. Acesso em agosto de 2019. Leia as afirmaes a seguir para responder questo. I. Redes neurais alimentam o mecanismo de busca do Google, o assistente de voz da Apple,a identificao de fotografias no Facebook, as sugestes de compras da Amazon, os c autnomos da Tesla. II. O temor de que as mquinas substituiriam o trabalho humano era real h duzentos anos, mas superado na atualidade. III. Steven Hawkings e Elon Musk especulam se a I.A. pode sair do controle, levando pessoas e mquinas a um conflito somente visto em obras de fico cientfica. IV. Duzentos anos atrs, a controvrsia sobre os perigos impostos pelas mquinas era conhecida comoa questo das mquinas.

(ITA - 2020 - 1 FASE) [Adaptada] Leia o texto e assinale a alternativa correta Experts warn that the substitution of machinery for human labour may render the population redundant. They worry that the discovery of this mighty power has come before we knew how to employ it rightly. Such fears are expressed today by those who worry that advances in artificial intelligence (AI) could destroy millions of jobs and pose a Terminator-style threat to humanity. But these are in fact the words of commentators discussing mechanisation and steam power two centuries ago. Back then the controversy over the dangers posed by machines was known as the machinery question. Now a very similar debate is under way. After many false dawns, AI has made extraordinary progress in the past few years, thanks to a versatile technique called deep learning. Given enough data, large (or deep) neural networks, modelled on the brains architecture, can be trained to do all kinds of things. They power Googles search engine, Facebooks automatic photo tagging, Apples voice assistant, Amazon s shopping recommendations and Tesias self-driving cars. But this rapid progress has also led to concerns about safety and job losses. Stephen Hawking, Elon Musk and others wonder whether AI could get out of control, precipitating a sci-fi conflict between people and machines. Others worry that AI will cause widespread unemployment, by automating cognitive tasks that could previously be done only by people. After 200 years, the machinery question is back. It needs to be answered. Fonte: https://www.economist.com/leaders/2016/06/25/march-of-the-machines. Adaptado. Acesso em agosto de 2019. A palavra sublinhada nos trechos retirados do texto pode ser substituda, sem alterao designificado, pela palavra ou expresso da segunda coluna, exceto em